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I vjetėr 22.1.2007, 11:16   1
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Shkrim i cituar 1991-99: Mbėshtetja e Gjermanisė pėr Shqipėrinė Veriore


Citim:
How Germany paved the way to the Kosovo War
· By Matthias Küntzel

Contribution to the 2nd International Hearing of the European Tribunal concerning Nato’s war against Yugoslavia. Hamburg, April 16, 2000 [1]

In 1991, a delegation of the German Bundestag visited Kosovo for the first time in order to talk with Kosovo Albanian nationalist leaders. This prompted – as early as 1991! – the warning by a senior member of the Yugoslavian parliament that “the British and the Germans would create a common intervention force with 70,000 soldiers in order to intervene in Kosovo.” [2] Indeed an early and accurate prophecy! So what about Germany’s role in preparing for the Kosovo war?

There were and there are strategic differences between German and the US policies about how to retain or enhance hegemony. “As a wealthy status quo power, the United States has an interest in maintaining international order”, wrote Joseph S. Nye, Jr, a former US deputy secretary of defense. “In a world where there are some two hundred states but many thousands of often overlapping entities that might eventually make a claim to nationhood, blind promotion of self-determination would have highly problematic consequences.” [3] Berlin, however, in seeking to create conditions for an ongoing expansion of German influence (that means: changing the international order) does not share this priority. As Rupert Scholz, the former German secretary of defense, explained: “The aim of maintaining “stability” in Europe seems to be a most dangerous one. There will not be any real stablity, which is able to maintain peace, if individual nations are held prisoner in unwanted and unnatural (“unnatürliche”) state organizations, which have been imposed upon them.” Since 1990, German foreign policy has “constantly persisted in activly advocating a universal right of self-determination.” [4]

This policy has a particular bearing on Kosovo. The hidden war about Kosovo’s future started in 1995 at the latest. In February 1995 in the presence of Roman Herzog, Germany’s President at that time, Germany and Albania signed a common declaration of principle at Tirana. This declaration is rarely mentioned in the literature but nevertheless decisive because it promised to find a “solution to the Kosovo question” by advocating the right of self-determination for Kosovo’s Albanians. [5] Advocating self-determination for Kosovo“s Albanians, however, meant advocating their right to secede from Yugoslavia. This declaration was in so far a kind of advance notice to continue Germany’s 1991 course (recognition of Croatia) in order to further split up Yugoslavia following a racist (völkisch) concept of self-determination.

In the period following, the German goverment did everything it could to spur on the separation of Albanians within Kosovo. Germany supported and financed those nationalists who sought to pursue the goal of full independence by creating alternative governing institutions as well as independent Albanian educational and medical systems in Kosovo which systematically separated the majority of the people in Kosovo from the other peoples of Yugoslavia. In addition, German secret diplomacy was instrumental in helping the “Kosovo Liberation Army” (KLA), as they call themselves, since its creation in February 1996. The daily newspaper “The European” stated that “German civil and military intelligence services have been involved in training and equipping the rebels with the aim of cementing German influence in the Balkan area.” [6]

During those years, Germany unilaterally supported the secessionist movements. In 1997 editor Johann Georg Reißmüller of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (a German daily newspaper) wrote: “The US government is not at all happy with Germany’s policy in Kosovo”.

It was, however, exactly that year – 1997 – that the crisis in Kosovo began to escalate. After the destruction of the Albanian army arsenals the KLA armed itself in order to start a large-scale nationalist rebellion. This development and the following counter-attack by the Serbian police moved Kosovo into the headlines and into the focal point of NATO’s considerations. How did Germany and the United States react?

“The Clinton administration is still uncertain about how to deal with this crisis”, later wrote the weekly newspaper Die Zeit. A senior official from the German foreign office was sent to Washington to put pressure on the deputy secretary of state, Strobe Talbott. “We urgently need U.S. leadership now” claimed Germany’s emissary. [7] This pattern: Germany calls for the U.S. government – actually for a special wing of the U.S government – to act against Yugoslavia were repeated between March 1998 and March 1999 over and over again. Let us now take a closer look at that pre-war diplomacy which paved the way to war.

The US government is responsible for most of the war crimes NATO committed against Yugoslavia. But even in 1998, the Clinton administration – split in several fractions on how to deal with Milosevic and the Kosovo Albanians’ nationalism – hesitated, reacting uncertainly on a case-by-case basis, oscillating between supporting the KLA and letting Milosevic have a free hand in smashing them. Germany on the other hand knew what to do and how to act. The grand design of Germany’s Kosovo policy had been in effect by March 1998. It was revealed by Germany’s informal ambassador to the Balkans, Christian Schwarz-Schilling, who on March 16, 1998 said: “We should try to tell Milosevic the plain truth through pressure and even military interventions that he can retain control over Kosovo as a part of Yugoslavia only if certain fundamentals are met. And if this is not the case, the territory there will have to be transformed into a kind of protectorate until those fundamentals are provided for.” [8]

This idea of pushing the Kosovo“s Albanians towards a military confrontation with Milosevic in order to create a Kosovo protectorate from now on became the central point of Germany’s Kosovo policy – either by the Kohl/Kinkel CDU government or the Schröder/Fischer SPD-Green coalition. One condition was that international troops be stationed on Kosovo soil. As early as March 1998 Germany accordingly put this matter on the agenda at the London meeting of the international Contact Group on Yugoslavia. [9]

The other condition was that Nato would have to enter Kosovo against the will of the Yugoslav government. Accordingly, Germany sharpened its tone towards Belgrad. Milosevic became the main target and remained so whatever his policy looked like.

But France, the UK, Italy and the dominating voices within the US government still prefered to follow a less confrontational policy. In 1998, The European for example stated that “Washington realised that pushing the Kosovars towards a military confrontation with Milosevic, as the Germans wanted to do, would have a boomerang effect on the Balkans. The United States put maximum pressure on Germany to stop supporting the KLA behind the scenes, as did the other European countries such as Britain and France.” [10] They termed the KLA activities “terrorist” and supported indirectly a Serbian counteroffensive against the KLA during the summer of 1998 and appealed to Milosevic and the moderate Albanian leader Rugova to begin talks. The KLA, however, succeeded in provoking the Serbian police force and in escalating armed clashes time and again. The policy of de-escalation turned out to be a permanent failure as long as there was a continuity in the supply of KLA weapons and KLA mercenaries across the Albanian border.

It was therefore not at all surprising that in the summer of 1998 all the efforts of the United Nations and the majority of Nato countries (including the US) concentrated in the goal of cutting off the arms and soldiers supplies in favor of the KLA. The Albanian government headed by Fatos Nano who had disassociated himself from the KLA supported this plan. Inside NATO the idea of sending 7000 soldiers to cut off the traffic in weapons began to take shape.

During this crucial situation,however, Germany’s covering up for the KLA became both public and evident: The German government vetoed the cutting-off of the supply of weapons for the KLA! Klaus Kinkel, then head of the German foreign office said: “Of course you have to consider whether you are permitted from a moral and ethnical point of view to prevent the Kosovo-Albanians from buying weapons for their self-defense.” [11] Volker Rühe, then head of the ministry of defense answered to this consideration with an unequivocal No: “You cannot resolve the Kosovo conflict by sending troops to Albania to seal the border and thus be acting in favor of Milosevic.” [12] Rühe’s message was quiete clear: everyone who tries to seal the border in order to find a peaceful solution is taking sides with Milosevic. In order to disassociate yourself from Milosevic you have to escalate the war between the Kosovo Albanians and the Serbs by delivering more and more weapons to the KLA!

This open German solidarity with the KLA has been as much an isolated provocation as has the recognition of Tudjman’s Croatia in 1991, 50 years after the formation of the first Croatian state under the rule of the fascist Ustashi regime.

Just like 1991 Germany again stood nearly alone against a huge majority of countries in Europe and the world. Just like 1991 Germany again supported a movement with a background rooted in the Nazi past, because the KLA is partly led by the sons and grandsons of extreme right-wing Albanian fighters, the heirs of those who fought during World War II in the fascist militias and the “Skanderbeg Volunteer SS Division” raised by the Nazis. [13] The “National Front of Albania” (Balli Kombetar) which collaborated with Nazi leaders in 1943/44 today boasts about its influence within the KLA which has a program that seems to be a modified version of the 1943 Nazi utopia.

Thus the program of “ethnic cleansing” which Germany exported into the Balkans in 1941 remained alive within the movement of the Kosovo Albanian nationalists during the 80s. “The nationalists have a two-point platform” wrote the New York Times in 1982: “First to establish what they call an ethnically clean Albanian republic and then the merger with Albania to form a greater Albania.” [14] Whenever the KLA talks about “liberation” or “freeing” this has been up to now understood in the Nazi-sense of “free of something” i.e. “free of Jews” (“judenfrei”), “free of Gypsies” or “free of Serbs”. Noone could be really surprised when, beginning with June 1999, the de facto rule of the KLA turned out to be a daily and a deadly trap for thousands of non-Albanians, especially defenceless Serbs.

In the summer of 1998 Germany and the USA took not only opposite but conflicting sides: While the USA – in the words of General Shelton, then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff – has had “concerns about the techniques that are being used to put down, to squelch the uprising” [15] Germany on the other hand acted as the protective power for the KLA. This confrontation includes a strategic conflict within NATO: Is the Atlantic Alliance supposed to help or to hinder the KLA? Should NATO as the KLA’s airforce contribute to the revision of state borders and the further diminishing of Yugoslavia? Or is the alliance bound to clap down on such a type of militant secessionism?

It was Germany’s insistence and the ignorance or thirst for adventure within the leadership of the other NATO powers that brought the world’s biggest military alliance eventually in favor of the Albanian nationalists. Germany has “given evidence of its prepareness to lead” praised the influential Frankfurter Allgemeine. [16] Now Germany once again took the lead in pressing for military intervention in Kosovo. The New York Times reported: “German officials seem increasingly inchined towards charting a military course to stop the violence in Kosovo.” [17] Indeed. “Mr. Kinkel threatens with a Nato intervention in Kosovo” proclaimed the headlines of German papers on June 5, 1998. “The United States, unlike Germany, rejects a snap decision about a military intervention”, wrote Frankfurter Allgemeine the following day. Volker Rühe was the first government official in Europe who as early as June 15, 1998 spoke in favor of a strike against Yugoslavia even without a UN Security Council green light. This suggestion played havoc with not only the UN Charter but also with the German constitution and the Treaty of Moscow concerning German unification. This proposal was later taken up positively by the USA. We have to conclude, therefore, that Germany is not only guilty of committing the crimes which are connected with the US-led bombing of Yugoslavia, but is responsible for ardently working towards triggering this war. The German concept for Kosovo includes the following:

* to make a stand against the Yugoslav government
* unlimited support for the Kosovo Albanian nationalists who demand independence and a lasting unification with Albania
* to demand for air-strikes against Yugoslavia in order to achieve a NATO protectorate for Kosovo which is supposed to be only an interim step towards the independence of Kosovo.

Strategic differences between German and the US policies diminished considerably in 1999 when the Clinton administration decided to go to war in favor of the ultra-secessionist KLA. They seem to gain, however, new weight in the post-war debate about the final status of Kosovo. US Secretary of State Madelaine Albright recently rejected the idea of creating a greater Albania, whereas German policy seems to be pushing in the opposite direction.

Karl Lamers, the influential CDU foreign affairs spokesman for the opposition in the Bundestag said about the transformation of Kosovo into a NATO protectorate that this is “only the first step towards the separation of Kosovo from Yugoslavia” and that an independent Kosovo will be “only an interim step to merging (“Anschluss”) with Albania.” [18] Recently, Lamers mentioned with great satisfaction “that everything we are actually doing in Kosovo, e. g. the creation of a new currency zone, is aimed at creating an independent Kosovo…”. [19] Even Germany’s red/green coalition government does not want to recognize Kosovo as being a province of Yugoslavia. That is the reason why in his last major statement Joschka Fischer – Germany’s vice-chancellor and secretary of state – let the question of “the future status of the Kosovo” open claiming that it would be impossible to resolve this now. In an interview with a French newspaper, however, he made clear that he had no doubts about the Kosovo’s future status: “The international community is present in Kosovo and the Balkans in order to show that – according to the example of resolving the ,German question’ in 1990 – the ,Albanian question’ could be resolved only with the agreement of the neighbouring states.” [20]

US government circles are quite aware of the ambitions of their rival, Germany. Zbigniew Brzezinski called the Berlin republic a “geostrategic main actor” and a “subversive big power inspired by an ambitious vision”. Strobe Talbott, the deputy secretary of state, characterized Germany as the seismic focal point of the current geopolitical earthquakes which are disrupting the Atlantic Alliance as well as the Balkans. He emphasized that Germany is “the epicentre of thoses processes – enlargement and expansion, extension and deepening.” [21]

Within the context of the war against Yugoslavia the other great powers, however, not only reacted to aggressive German moves but pursued their own special interests as well. The United States wanted to retain its influence in Europe, to strengthen a worldwide role for NATO and to weaken Russias influence within the new world order. Great Britain und France were eager to demonstrate their military superiority over Germany and wanted to give a starting signal for the establishing of an independent European intervention force (together with Germany) vis-a-vis the USA. Each of these nations is a rival to the others and is trying to retain or achieve as much influence and power as possible. The war against Yugoslavia has been the first, however, to be spurred on by Germany as an attempt to redesign current world order after the fall of the Berlin Wall. This war has put the irrational elements and the destructive roots of capitalistic societies into a new light.



______________________
[1] This contribution is a short description of a broader study: Matthias Küntzel, Der Weg in den Krieg. Deutschland, die Nato und das Kosovo, Elefanten Press, Berlin 2000. The author“s e-mail address: MatKuentzel@aol.com.

[2] This warning was published in the Yugoslavian journal Polityka; see the minutes of the Bundestag meeting June 16, 1991, pp. 2560-1.

[3] Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Redefining the National Interest, Foreign Affairs Vol.78 No.4, July/August 1999 pp. 22-35.

[4] See Rupert Scholz, Das Festhalten an ungewollten Staaten schafft keine Stabilität, in: Die Welt, December 12, 1991; Rupert Scholz, Das Selbstbestimmungsrecht und die deutsche Politik, in: Internationale Politik 4/1995, S.51.

[5] “Deutschland und Albanien … bekräftigen das Recht aller Völker, frei und ohne Einmischung von außen ihr Schicksal zu bestimmen und ihre politische, wirtschaftliche, soziale und kulturelle Entwicklung nach eigenem Wunsch zu gestalten.” This declaration is published in the Archiv der Gegenwart, March 13, 1995, pp. 39819-20.

[6] Roger Fallgot, How Germany Backed KLA, in: The European, 21-27 September 1998. See for more details M. Küntzel, Der Weg in den Krieg pp. 59-64.

[7] See Die Zeit, May 12, 1999.

[8] Christian Schwarz-Schilling, March 16, 1999, Deutschlandradio, quoted in: Presse- und Informationsamt der Bundesregierung, Stichworte zur Sicherheitspolitik, April 1998, p. 47.

[9] Russia, the USA, the United Kingdom, France, Italy and Germany are members of this informal but influential group.

[10] Roger Fallgot, ibid.

[11] Interview with Klaus Kinkel, in: Süddeutsche Zeitung, July 30, 1998.

[12] Mr. Rühe is quoted in the Frankfurter Allgemeine, June 9, 1998.

[13] See Chris Hedges, Kosovo“s Next Masters? in: Foreign Affairs, Vol.78, No.3, May/June 1999, pp.24-42. “Although never much of a fighting force, the Skanderbeg Division took part in the shameful roundup and deportation of the province“s few hundred Jews during the Holocaust. ... The decision by KLA commanders to dress their police in black fatigues and order their fighters to salute with a cleched fist to the forehead has led many to worry about these fascist antecedents.” (ibid.)

[14] See Marvine Howe, Exodus of Serbians Stirs Province in Yugoslavia, New York Times July 12, 1982.

[15] See New York Times, June 16, 1998.

[16] See Frankfurter Allgemeine, September 26, 1998.

[17] See New York Times, June 10, 1998.

[18] See the minutes of the Bundestag parliamentary session of April 15, 1999.

[19] See the minutes of the Bundestag parliamentary session of April 5, 2000.

[20] See Le Monde March 25, 2000, emphasis by the author.

[21] See Frankfurter Allgemeine, February 5, 1999.



http://www.matthiaskuentzel.de/conte...and-the-kosovo
  Pėrgjigju duke cituar
I vjetėr 12.6.2007, 21:05   2
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MBARĖVAJTJA
 
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Anėtarėsuar: 6.2001
Tė bėn ta mendosh punėn qė nga pėrēapjet e Shtrausit nė 1987 qė e refuzuan kėta mortjet tanė bolshevikė.
  Pėrgjigju duke cituar
I vjetėr 30.9.2007, 23:26   3
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Pėrfshirja e Gjermanisė bėhet si pėrgjigje ndaj qėndrimit frank. Mbėshtetja e kėtyre tė fundit pėr sllavėt ka qenė gjithmonė nė funksion tė konfliktit qė kanė patur dhe vazhdon tė ketė ky vend me Gjermaninė.

Duke patur frikė nga 80 milionė gjermanė Franca shtoi popullsinė me afrikanė (thua tė shkojnė kėta afrikanė nė front duke kėnduar marsejezėn?!). Franca ndihmon sllavėt vetėm pėr tė krijuar presion ndaj armikut tė saj tradicional.

Po ashtu po bėn dhe Gjermania, mbėshtet shqiptarėt. Dhe nuk ėshtė e vėshtirė tė kuptosh se kush ka qenė, ėshtė dhe do jetė shteti mė i fuqishėm midis tyre.

Ndryshuar sė fundmi nga sub674843 : 30.9.2007 nė 23:33.

  Pėrgjigju duke cituar
I vjetėr 21.4.2009, 21:37   4
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Anėtarėsuar: 6.2001
Citim:
Germany’s role in the secession of Kosovo
By Martin Kreickenbaum / 26 February 2008

On February 20, the German government officially recognized the independence of Kosovo. It did so despite the foreseeable political dangers: an impending conflict with Russia, the eruption of new conflicts in the Balkans, and the incitement of separatist tendencies in other crisis regions across the globe.

It was not as if the government in Berlin had not been warned. In January, the influential Institute for Science and Politics, which has close ties to the government, urgently warned against a unilateral declaration of independence for the Serbian province. In its report, the institute warned that the secession of Kosovo would endanger the entities of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia and threaten “US and European Union relations with Russia.”

In the conservative Frankfurter Allgemeinen Zeitung,a legal expert who is an advisor to the German Foreign Office warned that independence for Kosovo creates a precedent which can be directed “in other cases against the Western states.” Warnings also came from inside the ranks of Germany’s governing coalition consisting of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), Christian Social Union (CSU) and Social Democratic Party (SPD), with the speaker for the SPD parliamentary group on foreign policy, Gert Weisskirchen, even describing Kosovo as a “mafia state.”

The German government, however, swept aside such objections and was one of the first to recognize Kosovo as an independent state. The government led by Angela Merkel (CDU) was making clear that it was prepared to follow behind the US and risk increased tensions with Russia. In so doing, the present government was departing from the close cooperation with the Putin regime in Moscow inaugurated by the former government, led by Gerhard Schröder of the SPD.

Leading political and business circles in Germany and the European Union are increasingly worried about the dependence of Europe on oil and gas imports from Russia. The Balkans serve as an important transit region for pipeline projects, whereby oil and gas from the Caspian Sea are to be pumped to Western Europe, circumventing Russia.

Control of the Balkans and the lessening of Russian influence in the region are therefore of crucial importance and have become a major element in German and European foreign policy. This was made clear in an extensive report drawn up by Franz Lothar Altmann for the Institute for Science and Politics published in January 2007.

German foreign policy has been increasingly directed toward weakening the position of Serbia, a traditional ally and client state of Russia, since the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and the collapse of the Soviet Union at the beginning of the 1990s.

In 1991, the German government promoted the break-up of Yugoslavia by rushing to recognise the independence of Slovenia and Croatia. In 1995, it used the Bosnian war as a pretext for international deployments by the German army, under the cover of supposed humanitarian assistance, and high-ranking diplomats from Germany have ever since been instrumental in determining the fate of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
A history of support for Kosovar separatists

Since the break-up of the Soviet Union, Kosovo has increasingly become a central focus of German policy in southeastern Europe. In 1989, then-Serbian president (and subsequently Yugoslav president) Slobodan Milosevic disallowed the autonomy of the province of Kosovo, and shortly afterwards dissolved the Kosovan parliament.

In response, an anti-Serb, unofficial government was founded—the Kosovo Democratic League (LDK)—under the leadership of an ethnic Albanian president, Ibrahim Rugova, who appointed as prime minister his close ally, Bujar Bukoshi. This government went into exile in Germany, where it received political support from German backers.

At the start of the 1990s, Albania received the backing of the German government, then led by Helmut Kohl (CDU). This support took the form of a German-Albanian agreement signed by German President Roman Herzog in Tirana in 1995. The pact called for the “right of self-determination for all peoples,” but was clearly aimed at Kosovo, a majority of whose population was ethnic Albanian. At the same time, an office of the German Information Service (BND) was set up in Tirana with the task of providing logistical assistance to an underground Kosovar (Albanian Kosovan) militia in Kosovo.

The money for this project was raised by Bukoshi, who maintained close contact with the German foreign minister at the time, Klaus Kinkel of the Free Democratic Party (FDP). In 1995, Bukoshi distanced himself from the non-violent path favoured by Rugova and began assembling recruits for the Armed Forces of the Republic of Kosovo (FARK), which in 1998 was integrated into the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA).

The conflict in Kosovo intensified following bombing attacks by the KLA on five Serbian refugee camps in 1996. With assistance from both the US and Germany, the KLA was able to expand and supply its fighters with weapons and equipment acquired across the border in Albania.

In 1998, following increasing international pressure for an embargo on weapons, the Albanian prime minister, Fatos Nano, appealed to NATO for assistance regarding control of his country’s border region with Kosovo in an attempt to rein in the KLA.

Any dispatch of NATO combat troops to Albania at this point would have meant a direct confrontation with the KLA and would have dealt a severe blow to Germany’s designs in the Balkans. German Foreign Minister Kinkel vetoed such an intervention, declaring: “Naturally, one must consider whether morally and ethically one should prevent the Kosovo Albanians from purchasing weapons for self-defence.”

The German defence minister at the time, Volker Rühe (CDU), put forward the position, which was later to become the official position of the German government, that Milosevic was carrying out ethnic cleansing on a large scale. He said, “The problem of Kosovo cannot be solved by my sending troops to Albania, closing the border with Kosovo and thereby encouraging the operations of Mr. Milosevic.” His comments amounted to a blank cheque for the activities of the KLA.

In 1999, the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung revealed that the KLA was being encouraged by Germany and other countries to cause a humanitarian crisis, which would be used as the justification for NATO to intervene.

The newspaper quoted from the general report of the parliamentary meeting of NATO on the Kosovo crisis: “The Serbian repressions diminished during the period of October to December 1998. On the other hand, there were insufficient measures to contain the KLA, which was able to collect donations in the US and Western Europe—in particular, from Germany and Switzerland—as well as to win recruits and smuggle weapons over the Albanian border. On this basis, the KLA was able to sharply intensify its attacks on Serbian security forces and civilians from the start of December 1998.”
Ultimatum delivered at Rambouillet

At the February 1999 conference at Rambouillet in France, the Yugoslav government, then headed by President Milosevic, was confronted with an ultimatum whose terms were clearly unacceptable. The document had been drafted mainly by US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer (Green Party).

Fischer had previously ensured that the Austrian, Wolfgang Petritsch, represent the European Union in the negotiations at Rambouillet. Petritsch was not only a hard-line opponent of Serbia, which dominated the Yugoslav federation, he also had close contacts with the KLA and organised the participation of the Western-backed guerrilla movement, which was represented at the negotiating table by Hashim Thaci.

This move signalled de facto international diplomatic recognition for Thaci, who at the time was being investigated for terrorist attacks against the Serbian security force and the liquidation of oppositional elements amongst his own KLA fighters. The German government thereby played a key role in ensuring that the KLA became the determining political factor in Kosovo.

As expected, the Serbian side rejected the ultimatum laid down at Rambouillet and NATO commenced, in March of 1999, its air war against Serbia. This opened the way for the first military intervention by the German army on foreign soil since the end of the Second World War. Then German chancellor Schröder (SPD) spoke of “removing the taboo on the military,” thereby articulating Germany’s reawakened great-power ambitions.

At the end of the 11-week NATO bombardment, Kosovo was placed under United Nations administration, with political and military control in the hands of those leading NATO powers which had conducted the war. The civilian administration was in the hands of the UN mission, UNMIK, while military control was maintained by the NATO-led KFOR force.

The UN Security Council resolution that established UNMIK, while removing Kosovo from the practical control of the Yugoslav state, not only did not speak of Kosovan independence, it guaranteed the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Yugoslav federation, i.e., it continued to deem Kosovo to be an integral part of Yugoslavia. This was, among other things, a concession to Russia, which would not have acceded to language that established a legal basis for Kosovan secession.

Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence last week, and its recognition by the US and major EU members states, occurred without the benefit of a new UN Security Council resolution. Passage of any such resolution had been blocked by Russia, which declared it would utilize its veto power in the Security Council. Thus the unilateral secession of the province was in breach of international law.

From the very start of the joint UN-NATO administration of Kosovo, the German government was able to ensure that important posts in both UNMIK and KFOR were held by German diplomats and generals.

A German general, Klaus Reinhardt, took over as head of KFOR in 1999. Reinhardt was followed by Holger Kammerhof, who led KFOR from September 2003 to August 2004. Another German officer, Roland Kather, led KFOR from September 2006 to August 2007.

The biggest anti-Serbian pogrom carried out by Albanian ultra-nationalists took place under Kammerhof. In March 2004, dozens of Serbs, Roma and Ashkali were murdered and thousands driven out by Albanian Kosovar forces, while KFOR troops stood by and watched.

Two prominent German diplomats have been active in the leadership of the UN civilian mission in Kosovo, UNMIK. Michael Steiner led the UN administration from 2002 to 2003. Steiner had been coordinator for Balkans policy under Schröder. Since September 2006, the same post in UNMIK has been occupied by Joachim Rücker, who, like Steiner, is close to the SPD. Rücker had previously worked for the UN and the German Foreign Office in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

Also prominent in the region have been Tom Koenigs (Green Party); the deputy to the first UN supervisor Bernard Kouchner (the current French foreign minister), with responsibility for creating a civil administration in Kosovo; and Bodo Hombach (SPD), formerly head of Schröder’s chancellery. In 1999, Hombach was appointed coordinator of the European Union stability pact for southeastern Europe.
The “reconstruction” of Kosovo

Leading German politicians were also involved in UNMIK’s plans for the reconstruction of Kosovo’s infrastructure and the development of its economy. The “revival” of the Kosovan economy was to take place under strict “free-market” principles and meant, in practice, that the NATO powers—with Germany in the forefront—could appropriate the province’s natural resources. “Revival” meant the privatisation of Kosovo’s industrial and agricultural enterprises, which had previously been largely state-owned.

Such privatisations were top priority for the Kosovo Trust Agency (KTAS), which was created in 2003 under the auspices of former German foreign minister Nikolaus Graf Lambsdorff (FDP). He was succeeded in 2004 by Joachim Rücker.

Rücker oversaw a process of ruthless privatisations. Workers employed in state industries were either sacked or offered minimal compensation payments to quit their jobs. Most of the some 200 state enterprises were sold off in obscure dealings to foreign investors, leading to accusations of corruption against KTAS.

In addition to other minerals, Kosovo has the second largest reserves of brown coal in Europe, although the province itself is wracked by energy shortages and many households receive only a few hours of electrical power per day. Official unemployment stands at 45 percent, but is reckoned to be nearer to 70 percent—a testament to the fact that the priority for the UNMIK administration is satisfying foreign investors rather than the needs of the local population.

Individuals and business interests involved in KTAS read like a “who’s who” of the German business world, and include such prominent financial enterprises as the Deutsche Bank, the HypoVereinsbank, and major companies such as Siemens. Their spokesman in Kosovo is Michael Schäfer, formerly a political director with the German Foreign Office. Schäfer is alleged to have used his post and influence on behalf of the former prime minister of Kosovo, Ramush Haradinaj, who was accused of crimes against humanity by the International Court of Justice in the Hague.

Haradinaj, who was a leader of the KLA, is described in a 2005 report drawn up by the German Information Service as one of the most powerful and dangerous clan leaders in Kosovo. The report states: “The organisation around Ramush Haradinaj, which is centred in the area of Decani and based on clan relations, is involved in the entire spectrum of criminal, political and military activities, with substantial repercussions for security throughout Kosovo. The group totals around 100 members and is involved in the smuggling of arms and drugs and illegal trade in goods. In addition, it controls local government organs.”

Nevertheless, the German government continues its close partnership and cooperation with criminal and ultra-nationalist forces in Kosovo. In their leadership role in UNMIK and KFOR, German officials shut their eyes to the crimes carried out by extreme nationalists in the province, who have led a campaign of murders and expulsions to ensure an “ethnically pure” Albanian Kosovo.

By 1998, the proportion of Serbs living in Kosovo had declined to less than 10 percent. Around half of the province’s 120,000 remaining Serbs live in ethnic enclaves.

At a very early date, leading German politicians pushed for independence for Kosovo. In 2001, Gernot Erler (SPD), the minister of state in the foreign office, told German radio (Deutschlandfunk) that borders should not be regarded as inviolable in the case of Kosovo. In fact, as early as April of 1999, while the NATO air war was ongoing, the then-speaker on foreign policy for the CDU, Karl Lamers, raised the demand for Kosovan independence in the German parliament.

Since 2005, the Western powers have intensified their efforts to push ahead with the secession of Kosovo. This project was accelerated with the appointment of former Finnish prime minister Martti Ahtisaari as UN mediator.

Ahtisaari developed a plan that involved “conditional independence” for the province—in practice, the creation of a European protectorate. The plan met with bitter opposition from Serbia and Russia.

In the subsequent negotiations between Serbia and the so-called troika (the US, Russia and the European Union), it was once again a German, Wolfgang Ischinger, the German ambassador in London, who led the negotiations on behalf of the European Union. Ischinger vehemently promoted the Ahtisaari plan in the face of opposition from Serbia, and was instrumental in forcing through the secession of Kosovo from Serbia.

Ahtisaari has his own allies. Between 2000 and 2004, Ahtisaari was chairman of the International Crisis Group (ICG), a US-financed think tank, whose executive committee is filled with high-ranking diplomats and military figures from North America and Europe.

On the board of the ICG are the American billionaire George Soros, retired US Gen. Wesley Clark, who was the chief commander of NATO forces in the 1999 war against Serbia, Joschka Fischer, Friedbert Pflüger (CDU) and Uta Zapf (SPD). From early on the International Crisis Group lobbied in support of the secession of Kosovo and played a key role in the privatisation of the Kosovan industrial complex at Trepca.

German foreign policy has been actively working to separate Kosovo from Serbia for over a decade. Germany had hoped to secure this aim with the agreement of Russia. Now, however, German support for the secession of Kosovo at the behest of an alliance of Western powers has enraged Moscow and once again ignited the fuse of the Balkan powder keg.

http://www.wsws.org/articles/2008/fe...koso-f26.shtml
  Pėrgjigju duke cituar
I vjetėr 24.4.2009, 20:58   5
mesdimr
MBARĖVAJTJA
 
mesdimr
 
Anėtarėsuar: 6.2001
Tė dy autorėt pėrdorin retorikė proserbe dhe vijnė nga dy drejtime tė ndryshme pėr tė dalė kundėr pavarėsisė sė Veriorit. Synimi i shkrimeve nuk ėshtė as pro nesh, as pro Gjermanisė, pėrkundrazi. Por pasi zhvishen shkrimet lart nga retorika patetike dhe konspiracitė e secilit, mund tė ruhen prej aty disa lėvizje konkrete tė shtetit gjerman qė pėrkojnė me ēėshtjen shqiptare dhe qė rrjedhimisht na interesojnė.

Si vėrejtje, duket se i dyti e ka lexuar tė parin dhe po shton vetėm retorikėn e radhės me konspiracitė e radhės.
  Pėrgjigju duke cituar
Merr pjesė nė diskutim





Ora nė Shqipėri ėshtė 03:03.

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